Windsor Castle: Interfaith Panel on environmental ethics.
Tuesday 14 November, 2006
Gurmukh Singh – Sikh contribution
I welcome this opportunity to give the Sikh view in answering the question before us: How can we support each other in the work that we must do with reference to the Earth Charter. The ecological changes due to pollution and overuse of earth’s resources are causing much concern. They may not be reversible and threaten life in many parts of the world.
“Our common future” to which the Earth Charter refers, is only possible with common faith in our future. That means that world faiths need to establish a common understanding based on shared values. Science and technology gives us knowledge of the physical world around us; only faith can change our habits and attitudes. The Charter refers to this conversion as “a change of mind and heart”.
Humanity can be converted to a more caring life-style, if the ecological message coming from Governments and agencies, and the message from religious teachers and preachers to religious congregations, is the same.
I shall now turn briefly to Sikh teachings. Sikhism has a powerful message for humankind regarding ecological issues.
We are taught by the Sikh holy Scriptures, Guru Granth Sahib, that: The Creator Being created the air and the environment, which created water and brought life on earth. Nights, days, seasons, wind, water, fire and nether worlds, therein he created limitless diverse species with interdependent modes of life. In the midst of these He established the earth as His temple. The stability of the earth in the universe and the survival of life on earth depend on the practice of dharam.
In Sikhism, dharam is also the word for faith or religion. Dharam places a duty on all to ensure that diversity is preserved and interdependence of creation is maintained; that the dependence of one on another – and that includes human relationships - is not betrayed. That our neighbours’ rights are respected. Dharam also teaches us to understand God’s law, Hukam or Rzaa.
The Earth is the sacred place where we practise dharam to achieve the ultimate purpose of this life, which is nearness to the Creator Being. We must not desecrate this temple of God. Regrettably, due to self-centred materialism, dharam is something the New Age humankind seems to be moving away from.
(Point 1): Let us accept that religion has an important role to play in cultivating a more caring attitude towards our environment.
The Earth Charter provides us with a common framework. It covers a wide range of interrelated topics and not just bionomics and environmental issues. It appears to be a collation of the values shared by all religions. It can be interpreted to accord with the core values of the world religions. There is a need to interpret ancient religious texts (idiom and allegory) in terms of 21st century issues.
(Point 2): Religious texts should be continually researched and their idiom and allegory interpreted so that every religion has an ecological message.
(Point 3 is a question for discussion): Can we make the Earth Charter the meeting point of world religions?
Religious teachers and preachers need to place greater stress on human values shared by all religions. Let them actively seek converts to those values and not just converts to own religion. Sikhism opposes aggressive evangelism in the name of religion because that causes friction between religions.
(Point 4): In order to promote interfaith harmony and common approach to the global challenges, religions need to respect different paths to the same common human goals.
Human equality is taken for granted in today’s society. However, equality of women is a very important aspect of Sikh teachings. The Sikh Gurus appointed women preachers in their own time. Also, equality of and respect for women, may have a direct bearing on population control. I leave that as a thought for further discussion.
Religion teaches us to live simple lives. Regardless of one’s economic position, all have the same right to earth’s resources and to be fed; and the same duty to serve creation without distinction and in humility. Wealth itself does not give any individual, group or country, a superior right to earth’s resources. Affordability alone does not give us the right to use up more than our fair share of scarce resources.
(Point 5):. There is a need for global understanding, that no individual, group or nation has the God given right to use up more than their fair share of earth’s resources. Again, religion has an important role in spreading this understanding.
We also need to examine Western institutions and the main economic drivers more critically in relation to the Earth Charter and religious teaching.
Democracy, by its very nature, concentrates on winning elections. That often means pursuance of short term policies and projects, regardless of the environmental consequences in the longer term.
Economic models and financial institutions take little account of ecological and environmental factors. The stress is on consumerism, larger markets for increased production of luxury goods and services with little regard for the damage being done to the environment and global resources.
(Point 6): Religion needs to make up for some of the shortcomings of our current political, administrative and economic systems. Alternatively, or in parallel, the political and economic systems need to continue evolving to secure the future of the earth.
Sikhism welcomes scientific research and developments which benefit life on earth. However, it is also the Sikh belief that God has no equal, nor can God’s creation be emulated. It is human arrogance which leads us to believe that we can emulate what nature has produced over millions of years; that we can restore nature’s fine balance for sustaining life while we continue to use up natural resources at an ever accelerating pace.
(7th and final point ): All religions should continue to caution science and technology about new discoveries in different fields and their applications. The results may be unpredictable, damaging and may not be reversible.
According to Sikh teachings, human beings are at the head of all species. That position makes every human being responsible for looking after the environment which sustains life on earth. To quote Guru Nanak, the founder of the Sikh way of life: “ In His diverse creation resides the Creator Being, watching over all with joy and satisfaction.”
To serve creation is to serve the Creator.
Gurmukh Singh
E-mail: sewauk2005@yahoo.co.uk
© Gurmukh Singh
Wednesday, 19 May 2010
Nanakshahi Calendar
Nanakshahi Calendar in News Again
On 18 October, Akal Takht Jathedar, Giani Gurbachan Singh issued a statement that some “valuable” suggestions for making some amendments to the Nanakshahi Calendar had been forwarded to the SGPC for consideration. We are told that an amended calendar would be issued on Guru Gobind Singh ji’s parkaash gurpurab on 5 January, 2010.
It is a matter of grave concern that Singh Sahibans held a secretive high level meeting to discuss this important Panthic issue with the possible intention of withdrawing the Calendar “quietly”. Those who took part included “the Akal Takht Jathedar, Giani Gurbachan Singh, the Takht Damdama Sahib Jathedar, Balwant Singh Nandgarh, the Takht Kesgarh Sahib Jathedar, Tarlochan Singh, the Takht Patna Sahib Jathedar Iqbal Singh, a representative of the Takht Hazoor Sahib, Jathedar Kulwant Singh, and the SGPC chief Avtar Singh.”
Perhaps, we need to remind ourselves why the Sikhs need a calendar which is aligned to the solar CE calendar used worldwide. An item which I wrote after a meeting of UK organizations to discuss the Nanakshahi Calendar is reproduced below.
Nanakshahi Calendar
On 14 April, 2003, at Talwandi Sabo, the first copy of the Nanakshahi calendar was presented to S. Parkash Singh Badal, President of Shromani Akali Dal, by President of SGPC, Prof. Kirpal Singh Badungar. Satisfaction was expressed that like other communities, the Sikhs now had their own religious calendar.” (Tribune News Service)
So far as ordinary Sikhs are concerned, the main aim of the Sikh calendar is to have fixed dates for the most important Sikh religious and historical events on the international solar CE calendar.
For example, anyone, from a 5-year old to the government official concerned with faith matters in the multifaith societies we live in, is now certain that Guru Gobind Singh ji’s parkaash (birthday) is celebrated on 5th January every year. With one exception, the dates of other Gurpurbs (Guru related events) are now fixed on the CE calendar. That is our gain.
There is no doubt that some tactical compromises were made due to pressure from the sant samajis.
As a result of this Brahmanic (Bipran) influence, Guru Nanak Sahib’s parkaash (birthday) Gurpurb, Bandi Chhor Divas and Hola Mahala dates continue to be calculated under the old lunar system. Neverthless, the principle of a fixed solar Sikh calendar has been established.
Nanakshahi Calendar – Main features
Year 1 is the year of Guru Nanak Sahib’s birth 1469 CE. It begins on 1 Chet Nanakshahi which is on 14th March.
Based on the time length of Tropical years of 365days 5 hours 48 minutes 45 seconds.
First five months from Chet have 31 days each, the remaining seven months have 30 days each.
The last month will have 31 days in a leap year.
It will continue to have permanent month/season relationship and will accord to Bara Maha Gurbani.
With three exceptions, Gurpurbs and others Sikh events will be on fixed dates in both Nanakshahi and the Common Era calendars. The exceptions are Guru Nanak Sahib’s birthday, Bandi Chhor Divas and Hola Mahala, which will remain on the old lunar system until there is further decision to fix these Sikh events to solar dates also.
However, S. Pal Singh Purewal has worked out the future dates of these events on the Nanakshahi and Common Era calendars up to year 2020 (see table below). We are no longer dependent on a Pundit in Panjab to calculate these dates each year.
Nanakshahi calendar has promoted research by scholars into many historical dates where there has been confusion to arrive at agreed dates.
The problem
The length of the sidereal year of the Bikrami Samat to which Nanakshahi Samat was linked, does not conform to the tropical year length. The Bikrami year is sidereal year (which uses a star as a marker to calculate the earths annual circle around the sun). This year is 365 days, 6 hours, 9 minutes and 10 seconds.
The tropical year on which the world-wide Common Era calendar is based is 365 days, 5 hours, 48 minutes and 46 seconds. If the months are to remain aligned to seasons (as described in Gurbani – Bara Mahas, Majh and Tukhari and Rutti Saloks) permanently, then the year length has to be that of the tropical year.
The lunar months and the lunar “years” of 354 days is a Brahmanic complexity; and non-sense e.g. regarding two months by the same name occurring every third year to keep step with the solar year, one of the two being an “unclean” (malmaas) month! Would you believe it, that Gurpurb dates have been linked to lunar months – and as you cannot have a holy day in the “unclean” month, therefore, every third year Gurpurbs have been shifted by 18 or 19 days to avoid the “unclean” month!
Significance of Nanakshahi Calendar
Symbolically, a Sikh calendar is a major historical achievement for the Sikh theo-political identity. However, life is not that simple. Give the Sikhs any calendar and they will fill in their own “important” dates depending upon the influential local sant or gyani. That would then become their own calendar of “teohars”, sant barsis, ritual days and other events. They may even insert moon cycles on it.
Let us understand, therefore, what we mean by a calendar.
The dictionary says that a calendar is “Any various systems of reckoning time in which the beginning, length, and divisions of a year are arbitrarily defined or otherwise established.” You can have a calendar of events also. Most of the present arguments confuse the calendar of time with a calendar of events. In the calendar of events, you can agree or disagree on what historical EVENTS to put on the calendar as important dates for remembrance.
Other than the ritual infected and “charrava”-dependent sants, or ignorantia at large, all others are agreed that the scientific Tropical year, which remains constant and is used world-wide, should be the year adopted for the Khalsa nation’s Nanakshahi Calendar. The lunar “year” is a contradiction and the Sidereal year based on star markers is slipping against the seasons so that in time, you will have the month of “Harr” (hottest month which starts in mid-June now) in winter!
Calculation of solar (CE) dates of Guru Nanak Sahib’s parkaash date, Bandi Chhor Divas and Hola Mahala to year 2020.
These continue to be observed under the old lunar system.
The next progressive step would be to transfer the three dates of Guru Nanak Sahib’s parkaash Gurpurb, Bandi Chhor Divas and Hola Mahala on to the solar CE calendar year. Our children need to be certain about the dates fixed on the world CE calendar, on which to celebrate Sikh religious and historical events.
Hola Mahala Bandi Chhor Divas Prakash G. Nanak
2010 1 March 5 November 21 November
2011 20 March 26 October 10 November
2012 9 March 13 November 28 November
2013 28 March 3 November 17 November
2014 17 March 23 October 6 November
2015 6 March 11 November 25 November
2016 24 March 30 October 14 November
2017 13 March 19 October 4 November
2018 2 March 7 November 23 November
2019 21 March 27 October 12 November
2020 10 March 14 November 30 November
As a matter of interest: Vaisakhi dates for certain epochs are as follows:
CE Year Vaisakhi Date
1000 22nd March
1469 27th March
1699 29th March
1752 29th March
1753 9th April (due to change from Julia to Gregorian Calender)
1799 10th April
1899 12th April
1999 14th April
(Note: Information in this article is based on material left with me by S. Pal Singh Purewal, the author of Nanakshahi Calendar. He was the guest speaker at a meeting of Panthic organizations at Derby in 2003, which I was invited to chair.)
Gurmukh Singh (UK)
sewauk2005@yahoo.co.uk
© Gurmukh Singh
On 18 October, Akal Takht Jathedar, Giani Gurbachan Singh issued a statement that some “valuable” suggestions for making some amendments to the Nanakshahi Calendar had been forwarded to the SGPC for consideration. We are told that an amended calendar would be issued on Guru Gobind Singh ji’s parkaash gurpurab on 5 January, 2010.
It is a matter of grave concern that Singh Sahibans held a secretive high level meeting to discuss this important Panthic issue with the possible intention of withdrawing the Calendar “quietly”. Those who took part included “the Akal Takht Jathedar, Giani Gurbachan Singh, the Takht Damdama Sahib Jathedar, Balwant Singh Nandgarh, the Takht Kesgarh Sahib Jathedar, Tarlochan Singh, the Takht Patna Sahib Jathedar Iqbal Singh, a representative of the Takht Hazoor Sahib, Jathedar Kulwant Singh, and the SGPC chief Avtar Singh.”
Perhaps, we need to remind ourselves why the Sikhs need a calendar which is aligned to the solar CE calendar used worldwide. An item which I wrote after a meeting of UK organizations to discuss the Nanakshahi Calendar is reproduced below.
Nanakshahi Calendar
On 14 April, 2003, at Talwandi Sabo, the first copy of the Nanakshahi calendar was presented to S. Parkash Singh Badal, President of Shromani Akali Dal, by President of SGPC, Prof. Kirpal Singh Badungar. Satisfaction was expressed that like other communities, the Sikhs now had their own religious calendar.” (Tribune News Service)
So far as ordinary Sikhs are concerned, the main aim of the Sikh calendar is to have fixed dates for the most important Sikh religious and historical events on the international solar CE calendar.
For example, anyone, from a 5-year old to the government official concerned with faith matters in the multifaith societies we live in, is now certain that Guru Gobind Singh ji’s parkaash (birthday) is celebrated on 5th January every year. With one exception, the dates of other Gurpurbs (Guru related events) are now fixed on the CE calendar. That is our gain.
There is no doubt that some tactical compromises were made due to pressure from the sant samajis.
As a result of this Brahmanic (Bipran) influence, Guru Nanak Sahib’s parkaash (birthday) Gurpurb, Bandi Chhor Divas and Hola Mahala dates continue to be calculated under the old lunar system. Neverthless, the principle of a fixed solar Sikh calendar has been established.
Nanakshahi Calendar – Main features
Year 1 is the year of Guru Nanak Sahib’s birth 1469 CE. It begins on 1 Chet Nanakshahi which is on 14th March.
Based on the time length of Tropical years of 365days 5 hours 48 minutes 45 seconds.
First five months from Chet have 31 days each, the remaining seven months have 30 days each.
The last month will have 31 days in a leap year.
It will continue to have permanent month/season relationship and will accord to Bara Maha Gurbani.
With three exceptions, Gurpurbs and others Sikh events will be on fixed dates in both Nanakshahi and the Common Era calendars. The exceptions are Guru Nanak Sahib’s birthday, Bandi Chhor Divas and Hola Mahala, which will remain on the old lunar system until there is further decision to fix these Sikh events to solar dates also.
However, S. Pal Singh Purewal has worked out the future dates of these events on the Nanakshahi and Common Era calendars up to year 2020 (see table below). We are no longer dependent on a Pundit in Panjab to calculate these dates each year.
Nanakshahi calendar has promoted research by scholars into many historical dates where there has been confusion to arrive at agreed dates.
The problem
The length of the sidereal year of the Bikrami Samat to which Nanakshahi Samat was linked, does not conform to the tropical year length. The Bikrami year is sidereal year (which uses a star as a marker to calculate the earths annual circle around the sun). This year is 365 days, 6 hours, 9 minutes and 10 seconds.
The tropical year on which the world-wide Common Era calendar is based is 365 days, 5 hours, 48 minutes and 46 seconds. If the months are to remain aligned to seasons (as described in Gurbani – Bara Mahas, Majh and Tukhari and Rutti Saloks) permanently, then the year length has to be that of the tropical year.
The lunar months and the lunar “years” of 354 days is a Brahmanic complexity; and non-sense e.g. regarding two months by the same name occurring every third year to keep step with the solar year, one of the two being an “unclean” (malmaas) month! Would you believe it, that Gurpurb dates have been linked to lunar months – and as you cannot have a holy day in the “unclean” month, therefore, every third year Gurpurbs have been shifted by 18 or 19 days to avoid the “unclean” month!
Significance of Nanakshahi Calendar
Symbolically, a Sikh calendar is a major historical achievement for the Sikh theo-political identity. However, life is not that simple. Give the Sikhs any calendar and they will fill in their own “important” dates depending upon the influential local sant or gyani. That would then become their own calendar of “teohars”, sant barsis, ritual days and other events. They may even insert moon cycles on it.
Let us understand, therefore, what we mean by a calendar.
The dictionary says that a calendar is “Any various systems of reckoning time in which the beginning, length, and divisions of a year are arbitrarily defined or otherwise established.” You can have a calendar of events also. Most of the present arguments confuse the calendar of time with a calendar of events. In the calendar of events, you can agree or disagree on what historical EVENTS to put on the calendar as important dates for remembrance.
Other than the ritual infected and “charrava”-dependent sants, or ignorantia at large, all others are agreed that the scientific Tropical year, which remains constant and is used world-wide, should be the year adopted for the Khalsa nation’s Nanakshahi Calendar. The lunar “year” is a contradiction and the Sidereal year based on star markers is slipping against the seasons so that in time, you will have the month of “Harr” (hottest month which starts in mid-June now) in winter!
Calculation of solar (CE) dates of Guru Nanak Sahib’s parkaash date, Bandi Chhor Divas and Hola Mahala to year 2020.
These continue to be observed under the old lunar system.
The next progressive step would be to transfer the three dates of Guru Nanak Sahib’s parkaash Gurpurb, Bandi Chhor Divas and Hola Mahala on to the solar CE calendar year. Our children need to be certain about the dates fixed on the world CE calendar, on which to celebrate Sikh religious and historical events.
Hola Mahala Bandi Chhor Divas Prakash G. Nanak
2010 1 March 5 November 21 November
2011 20 March 26 October 10 November
2012 9 March 13 November 28 November
2013 28 March 3 November 17 November
2014 17 March 23 October 6 November
2015 6 March 11 November 25 November
2016 24 March 30 October 14 November
2017 13 March 19 October 4 November
2018 2 March 7 November 23 November
2019 21 March 27 October 12 November
2020 10 March 14 November 30 November
As a matter of interest: Vaisakhi dates for certain epochs are as follows:
CE Year Vaisakhi Date
1000 22nd March
1469 27th March
1699 29th March
1752 29th March
1753 9th April (due to change from Julia to Gregorian Calender)
1799 10th April
1899 12th April
1999 14th April
(Note: Information in this article is based on material left with me by S. Pal Singh Purewal, the author of Nanakshahi Calendar. He was the guest speaker at a meeting of Panthic organizations at Derby in 2003, which I was invited to chair.)
Gurmukh Singh (UK)
sewauk2005@yahoo.co.uk
© Gurmukh Singh
Sikhism & Poverty
Nir-dhan sar-dhan dono bhaaee.
Prabh ki kalla na meti jaaee. (Guru Granth Sahib, the Sikh Holy Scriptures, p.1159 )
“The poor and the rich are both “brothers” (i.e. neighbours). This is Lord’s immutable design.”
(Note: Men and women are equal in Sikhism. Therefore, “he” should be read as “he or she” and “brothers” as “brothers and sisters”, and so on.)
Sikhi is the Sikh way of life. This word-concept is preferred to “Sikhism” to describe the Sikh faith or religion. Guru Granth Sahib (GGS) is the Sikh holy Scripture. There were ten Sikh Gurus or Teachers. It is the Sikh belief that all “Guru personalities” carried the same spiritual Light (Jyote) of Guru Nanak, the founder of the Sikh religion (1469 – 1539). Ultimately the Guru is the Guru’s teaching (Gurbani) embodied in Guru Granth Sahib, revered as the Living Guru of the Sikhs. Due to the Sikh belief in One Guiding Light only, the Guru is a singular concept in Sikhi. The Guru shows the path of truthful living in the Lord’s Will (Hukam). It is the path of a working householder, who shares his earnings with those who are less well off.
Sikhi addresses the question of poverty at religious, social, economic and political levels.
Poverty and plenty are realities of life. The above quotation is from a Shabad (hymn) in Guru Garnth Sahib (GGS), the Sikh holy Scripture. Says the Guru in this Shabad, “No one respects the poor. No matter how hard the poor man tries, the rich ignore him. When the poor man goes to the rich man, the latter turns his back on him. When the rich man goes to the poor man, the latter welcomes him warmly and offers him a seat with respect.” (GGS p. 1159) Yet, the Guru continually associates Himself with the poor (the gareeb), for it is amongst the poverty stricken, the gareeb, that humility and respect for life is found. It is through the “experience” of poverty that one learns humility. That “experience” may be real experience in life; or, as in the case of Guru Nanak, in may be “felt” as a reality of human existence.
Guru Nanak was born in a high caste and well-to-do business family. He discarded the Hindu sacred thread (jeneiu) symbolising high caste and associated himself with the poor, the gareeb. Therefore, in His Shabads, Nanak refers to Himself as gareeb. In fact he wanted to be called “Nanak, the gareeb”. He empathised with the condition of the poor. Gareeb also means “humble” and the Guru used the word in both senses.
So much is the Guru’s feeling for the poor that in His tenth human form (Guru personality), as Guru Gobind Singh, He persuades the rich and the powerful to accept the underprivileged (due to low caste and poverty) as their equals and as own brothers and sisters. At one time, sensing that His message for the creation of a just order in which all shared alike was falling on deaf ears, He went so far as to warn, that the poor shall take over as the rulers of the land (In gareeb sikhan ko deun paatshahi – Guru Gobind Singh addressing the hill rajas at Ravalsar in Himachal Pardesh in Northern India.) This was also the Guru’s indirect prediction of the socio-political disorder which would result from socio-economic inequalities.
Guru Nanak refused to sit and eat with the rich who did not earn their living by honest means and who did not share with the less well off. He refused the invitation of such a rich man called Malak Bhago to a lavish banquet. Rather, he preferred to sit and eat with a poor carpenter called Bhai Lalo, who had received Him at his house with respect and humility.
Guru Nanak was born in a high caste family but he condemned the divisive and humiliating Brahmanic caste system, which created inequalities in human society. This system condemned the low caste to a life of servitude which depended on charity and led on to poverty. Therefore, Guru Nanak, was the gareeb, the low caste.
“Nanak seeks the company of those who are lowest of the low caste. He has no desire to compete with the rich and the powerful.”
Neechan andar neech jaat, neechee hoo att neech. Nanak tin ke sang saath wadhian seo kia rees – GGS p.15)
Thus, poverty and how to deal with it through sharing (wand shakna) becomes one of the main themes of Sikhi (the Sikh way of life). Yet, whilst poverty is accepted as a human condition with which human beings may be afflicted through no fault of their own, Sikhi teaches constant effort to earn own living and to share with those who are not doing well. There is recognition in Sikh that poverty has many causes, some within and some without human control, but all in God’s design (kalla).
The Sikh Institution of Langar, the Community Kitchen.
The Guru’s life formula is:
“He who eats what he earns through honest work and shares with others, he alone O Nanak recognises (follows) the true path in life.”
“Ghaal khai kish hathon day. Nanak rah pehchaanay say” (GGS p. 1245)
That means, one who earns own livelihood and gives something to the needy, follows the true path. Living on charity is not the Sikh way. Sharing is through the social system symbolised (and practiced) in the Sikh Community Kitchen (Langar) at Gurdwaras. It is a pointer to the establishment of a community-wide system for sharing with, and giving shelter to, those in need. The idea is not to make others dependent on charity but to enable them to receive help from a social system set up for the purpose, with dignity. Therefore, all, the rich and the poor (Sikh and non-Sikh), without distinction, are required to sit side by side in the Langar at a Gurdwara and partake food. Langar is the Guru’s educational institution giving first lessons in sharing, service, humility and equality. Even giving and receiving of so called “charity” must not detract from human dignity. It must be given and accepted in humility, without any sense of pride (haomai) in the giver, or loss of personal dignity in the receiver. In this sense the Sikhi concept of “charity” may be unique amongst world religions.
In Sikhi, experience of poverty, real or felt, teaches us humility. However, poverty is not a virtue in itself. A Sikh lives within the system based on the “community kitchen”, the Sikh institution of Langar to which he should contribute (pay daswandh i.e. one tenth of earning regularly); and from which he may feed himself. Langar is also symbolic of the Sikh welfare system. That welfare system is a model for the human society. Otherwise, Sikhi is based on continuous effort to earn own livelihood; begging and dependence on charity are forbidden.
Sacha Sauda: True business
One of the oft quoted teaching episodes in Guru Nanak’s life relates to feeding the poor and the hungry. He had been given some money by his father to do business. Instead he spent this money to feed the hungry and regarded that as a “true bargain” (sacha sauda). It is true that a business cannot remain viable without making profit. However, in Sikhi, short term gains should not be at the expense of creating long term inequalities in the human society. Therefore, social systems, state policies and longer term business aims need to complement each other to ensure that the underprivileged are not forgotten. That is true business (sacha sauda), a concept accepted by many modern large businesses. Today’s businesses need prosperous and stable societies based on equality principles in future to thrive.
God’s kalla (system or design) of the brotherhood of the poor and the rich is the reality of life. The rich and the poor are both brothers (Nirdhan sardhan dono bhaaee – GGS p.1159). The brother who is better off cannot afford to ignore his poor sibling. This leads on to the global socio-political goals of Sikhi.
Socio-political Goals of Sikhi
World peace and survival of humankind in the long run depend on the egalitarian principles of equality and sharing on this earth, also referred to as the “Great Mother” in Guru Granth Sahib (Mata dharat mahat), who feeds her children. All human being are brothers and sisters and must learn to share, and live in peace and with dignity.
For this reason, the Sikh socio-political objectives are described in three words in the Sikh slogan, “Degh, Tegh, Fateh !”
Degh is the cauldron symbolising community kitchen and the principle of sharing with dignity. This leads on to welfare, social and economic objectives.
Tegh is the sword of justice and equality which protects the week and creates an egalitarian order so that “No one inflicts pain on another in a Halemi raj, or global benign regime.” (GGS p.74).
And so the socio-political objective of the Khalsa Panth, the Order of the Khalsa (those directly linked with the Guru), laid down by the Tenth Guru, Gobind Singh, is that Degh and Tegh shall ultimately prevail on this earth, this “Temple of God”. (Degh Tegh jaag meh doun chaalay)
Gurmukh Singh (UK)
Sewauk2005@yahoo.co.uk
Prabh ki kalla na meti jaaee. (Guru Granth Sahib, the Sikh Holy Scriptures, p.1159 )
“The poor and the rich are both “brothers” (i.e. neighbours). This is Lord’s immutable design.”
(Note: Men and women are equal in Sikhism. Therefore, “he” should be read as “he or she” and “brothers” as “brothers and sisters”, and so on.)
Sikhi is the Sikh way of life. This word-concept is preferred to “Sikhism” to describe the Sikh faith or religion. Guru Granth Sahib (GGS) is the Sikh holy Scripture. There were ten Sikh Gurus or Teachers. It is the Sikh belief that all “Guru personalities” carried the same spiritual Light (Jyote) of Guru Nanak, the founder of the Sikh religion (1469 – 1539). Ultimately the Guru is the Guru’s teaching (Gurbani) embodied in Guru Granth Sahib, revered as the Living Guru of the Sikhs. Due to the Sikh belief in One Guiding Light only, the Guru is a singular concept in Sikhi. The Guru shows the path of truthful living in the Lord’s Will (Hukam). It is the path of a working householder, who shares his earnings with those who are less well off.
Sikhi addresses the question of poverty at religious, social, economic and political levels.
Poverty and plenty are realities of life. The above quotation is from a Shabad (hymn) in Guru Garnth Sahib (GGS), the Sikh holy Scripture. Says the Guru in this Shabad, “No one respects the poor. No matter how hard the poor man tries, the rich ignore him. When the poor man goes to the rich man, the latter turns his back on him. When the rich man goes to the poor man, the latter welcomes him warmly and offers him a seat with respect.” (GGS p. 1159) Yet, the Guru continually associates Himself with the poor (the gareeb), for it is amongst the poverty stricken, the gareeb, that humility and respect for life is found. It is through the “experience” of poverty that one learns humility. That “experience” may be real experience in life; or, as in the case of Guru Nanak, in may be “felt” as a reality of human existence.
Guru Nanak was born in a high caste and well-to-do business family. He discarded the Hindu sacred thread (jeneiu) symbolising high caste and associated himself with the poor, the gareeb. Therefore, in His Shabads, Nanak refers to Himself as gareeb. In fact he wanted to be called “Nanak, the gareeb”. He empathised with the condition of the poor. Gareeb also means “humble” and the Guru used the word in both senses.
So much is the Guru’s feeling for the poor that in His tenth human form (Guru personality), as Guru Gobind Singh, He persuades the rich and the powerful to accept the underprivileged (due to low caste and poverty) as their equals and as own brothers and sisters. At one time, sensing that His message for the creation of a just order in which all shared alike was falling on deaf ears, He went so far as to warn, that the poor shall take over as the rulers of the land (In gareeb sikhan ko deun paatshahi – Guru Gobind Singh addressing the hill rajas at Ravalsar in Himachal Pardesh in Northern India.) This was also the Guru’s indirect prediction of the socio-political disorder which would result from socio-economic inequalities.
Guru Nanak refused to sit and eat with the rich who did not earn their living by honest means and who did not share with the less well off. He refused the invitation of such a rich man called Malak Bhago to a lavish banquet. Rather, he preferred to sit and eat with a poor carpenter called Bhai Lalo, who had received Him at his house with respect and humility.
Guru Nanak was born in a high caste family but he condemned the divisive and humiliating Brahmanic caste system, which created inequalities in human society. This system condemned the low caste to a life of servitude which depended on charity and led on to poverty. Therefore, Guru Nanak, was the gareeb, the low caste.
“Nanak seeks the company of those who are lowest of the low caste. He has no desire to compete with the rich and the powerful.”
Neechan andar neech jaat, neechee hoo att neech. Nanak tin ke sang saath wadhian seo kia rees – GGS p.15)
Thus, poverty and how to deal with it through sharing (wand shakna) becomes one of the main themes of Sikhi (the Sikh way of life). Yet, whilst poverty is accepted as a human condition with which human beings may be afflicted through no fault of their own, Sikhi teaches constant effort to earn own living and to share with those who are not doing well. There is recognition in Sikh that poverty has many causes, some within and some without human control, but all in God’s design (kalla).
The Sikh Institution of Langar, the Community Kitchen.
The Guru’s life formula is:
“He who eats what he earns through honest work and shares with others, he alone O Nanak recognises (follows) the true path in life.”
“Ghaal khai kish hathon day. Nanak rah pehchaanay say” (GGS p. 1245)
That means, one who earns own livelihood and gives something to the needy, follows the true path. Living on charity is not the Sikh way. Sharing is through the social system symbolised (and practiced) in the Sikh Community Kitchen (Langar) at Gurdwaras. It is a pointer to the establishment of a community-wide system for sharing with, and giving shelter to, those in need. The idea is not to make others dependent on charity but to enable them to receive help from a social system set up for the purpose, with dignity. Therefore, all, the rich and the poor (Sikh and non-Sikh), without distinction, are required to sit side by side in the Langar at a Gurdwara and partake food. Langar is the Guru’s educational institution giving first lessons in sharing, service, humility and equality. Even giving and receiving of so called “charity” must not detract from human dignity. It must be given and accepted in humility, without any sense of pride (haomai) in the giver, or loss of personal dignity in the receiver. In this sense the Sikhi concept of “charity” may be unique amongst world religions.
In Sikhi, experience of poverty, real or felt, teaches us humility. However, poverty is not a virtue in itself. A Sikh lives within the system based on the “community kitchen”, the Sikh institution of Langar to which he should contribute (pay daswandh i.e. one tenth of earning regularly); and from which he may feed himself. Langar is also symbolic of the Sikh welfare system. That welfare system is a model for the human society. Otherwise, Sikhi is based on continuous effort to earn own livelihood; begging and dependence on charity are forbidden.
Sacha Sauda: True business
One of the oft quoted teaching episodes in Guru Nanak’s life relates to feeding the poor and the hungry. He had been given some money by his father to do business. Instead he spent this money to feed the hungry and regarded that as a “true bargain” (sacha sauda). It is true that a business cannot remain viable without making profit. However, in Sikhi, short term gains should not be at the expense of creating long term inequalities in the human society. Therefore, social systems, state policies and longer term business aims need to complement each other to ensure that the underprivileged are not forgotten. That is true business (sacha sauda), a concept accepted by many modern large businesses. Today’s businesses need prosperous and stable societies based on equality principles in future to thrive.
God’s kalla (system or design) of the brotherhood of the poor and the rich is the reality of life. The rich and the poor are both brothers (Nirdhan sardhan dono bhaaee – GGS p.1159). The brother who is better off cannot afford to ignore his poor sibling. This leads on to the global socio-political goals of Sikhi.
Socio-political Goals of Sikhi
World peace and survival of humankind in the long run depend on the egalitarian principles of equality and sharing on this earth, also referred to as the “Great Mother” in Guru Granth Sahib (Mata dharat mahat), who feeds her children. All human being are brothers and sisters and must learn to share, and live in peace and with dignity.
For this reason, the Sikh socio-political objectives are described in three words in the Sikh slogan, “Degh, Tegh, Fateh !”
Degh is the cauldron symbolising community kitchen and the principle of sharing with dignity. This leads on to welfare, social and economic objectives.
Tegh is the sword of justice and equality which protects the week and creates an egalitarian order so that “No one inflicts pain on another in a Halemi raj, or global benign regime.” (GGS p.74).
And so the socio-political objective of the Khalsa Panth, the Order of the Khalsa (those directly linked with the Guru), laid down by the Tenth Guru, Gobind Singh, is that Degh and Tegh shall ultimately prevail on this earth, this “Temple of God”. (Degh Tegh jaag meh doun chaalay)
Gurmukh Singh (UK)
Sewauk2005@yahoo.co.uk
Sikhism & Terrorism
As the 21st Century world faces terrorism in its many horrendous forms, we look to Guru Nanak’s teachings for guidance. Born in 1469, on the eve of the age of discovery, Guru Nanak came to this world with a divine mission.
His unique description of the One Creator laid the foundation of an egalitarian way of life, which unites diversity before One Creator. Guru Nanak and the nine Gurus who succeeded him, translated this basic description of God called the Mool Mantar, into a harmonious life model for humankind. Freedom from fear and freedom from hatred are the two preconditions of this model.
It is built on the three pillars of honest and truthful living, sharing with others and constant awareness of the God Being. It is important that the independent Sikh ideology is clearly understood by those who continue to confuse Sikhism with other world religions.
Guru Granth Sahib, the Sikh scripture, is truly unique. In addition to the teachings of the Sikh Gurus, it includes the teachings of saintly people from different religious backgrounds. They all shared Guru Nanak’s universal values. Guru Nanak described God as:
“The One Creater, The Ultimate Truth, Who is without fear, without hatred, Everlasting, Unborn, Self-existent, realized through the Guru (i.e. through God’s Grace, for God Himself is the Guru, the Primal Teacher.)”
In Sikhism, God is above gender classification. Guru Nanak referred to God by many different names, which were commonly used in his time. The traditional Sikh name for God is “Waheguru” – the Wonderful Giver of Light, the Fount of all knowledge, the Primal Teacher.
In Guru Nanak’s founding precept, the two linked Godly qualities of being without fear (nirbhao) and without animosity (nirvair), provide the human interface with God. These are the two qualities human beings can cultivate in their daily lives. They can experience God by being without fear or hatred and achieve the ultimate goal of this life. This goal in the Sikh teachings is to lose the individual egocentric self in the Universal God Being. According to Sikh teachings “God’s devotee should be like God.” (GGS p 1372)
In his own life-time, Guru Nanak challenged infliction of fear, terror, cruelty or oppression in any form and in any religious, social or political sphere of life. According to the Ninth Nanak, Guru Tegh Bahadur, freedom from fear in daily life is achieved through the maxim “Frighten no-one and do not accept fear (in any form from any quarter) ” (GGS p 1427)
Freedom from fear is achieved by clearing the mind of hatred and animosity. For that reason, in Guru Nanak’s teachings, the two “without fear and without enmity” linked qualifications are placed side by side. There is nothing to fear because all is within God’s creation and in His Will (Hukam in Sikhism and Raza in Islam.). Hatred is the cause of conflict; it invites violence and breeds fear and must be shunned. Hatred and distrust are usually rooted in ignorance. Fear is a natural instinct and is always lurking in the dark corners of the human mind.
Unfortunately, fear has been freely exploited; and so has its more intense and overpowering form, terror. It is inflicted, or sometimes self-inflicted through ignorance, in many forms and in many aspects of our daily lives. There is terror, which is overt or direct. It may be in the form of an invasion as that of Babar, the Mughal invader, during Guru Nanak’s time. Guru Nanak condemned the terror spread by Babar’s invading army in strong language. Far worse form of terror has been inflicted on civilian populations in recent times.
On 11th September, thousands of innocent civilians were killed in large numbers by a form of suicidal fanaticism.
Religion has been misused for spreading, both, direct and indirect forms of terror. Religious fervour, turned into fanaticism has been used for invasions and terrorist activities. Superstition and religion have been used for spreading subtle but equally destructive forms of fear or terror. Reward and fearful punishment mechanisms have been used in religious ideologies as overt or covert forms of terror.
Guru Nanak’s teachings rise above such practices and make freedom from fear and hatred essential for spiritual and social progress.
Guru Nanak challenged religious terrorism in both, direct and indirect forms. He condemned religious fanaticism by preaching the underlying truth of every religion; he condemned the priesthood exploiting ignorance and superstition; he condemned prejudicial and oppressive practices like the caste system, he condemned horrifying rituals like the “suttee” – widow burning.
In Guru Nanak’s teachings, none who spread fear or insecurity are spared: the king and his henchmen using terror as an administrative tool; the high caste priest using rituals, superstition and social divisions as his devices for exploitation; the corrupt religious judge selling judgments; and, the religious fanatic who sought converts to own faith through force. And so he instilled a fearless spirit in his students, his Sikhs, and said:
“If you wish to play the game of (Lord’s) Love, place your head on the palm of your hand (i.e. be fearless) and come my way.” (Guru Nanak, GGS p.1412)
The foundation of Guru Nanak’s challenge to terrorism was thus laid. Thousands followed his path and defied terror robustly in any form or shape. That challenge of Guru Nanak is highly relevant today.
There are terrorist regimes around the globe. The terrorist attack on the US on 11th September, and what we have seen in its aftermath, illustrate how terrorism works. We saw a terrorist attack on the innocent civilians of a country; and that was followed by a “War on terrorism”. We talk of a terrorist attack. We talk of a “War on terrorism”. It takes only a slightly different view-point for “War on terrorism” itself becoming a form of terrorism.
Suddenly the minorities in the west feel insecure. They find themselves under threat and terrorized by the majority communities. Those who even remotely look like the terrorists shown on TV, get attacked. Hundreds of Muslims and Sikhs have been assaulted in the USA and many incidents have also been reported in the UK.
Education removes distrust and fear. The Sikh religion and Islam preach acquisition of knowledge as a religious duty. Fear may be a natural instinct but freedom from fear requires understanding of the diverse religions and cultures around us.
Guru Nanak saw freedom from fear and animosity towards none, as the essential pre-conditions of a successful plural society, which remains united despite its rich diversity. God’s Creation is diverse and in that diversity we see only one reflection of the One Creator.
The main objective of Guru Nanak’s challenge to terrorism is to teach humankind how to live in the spirit of fearing none and frightening no-one. This challenge is directed at all political, social and religious systems, which use fear or terror for achieving own ends, thereby denying fellow human beings the God given right to live in peace and with dignity.
Guru Nanak’s prayer is for the well-being of all.
-------------------------
© Copyright Gurmukh Singh
Please acknowledge quotations from this article
Articles may be included in publications subject to prior approval
Gurmukh Singh
E-mail: sewauk2005@yahoo.co.uk
His unique description of the One Creator laid the foundation of an egalitarian way of life, which unites diversity before One Creator. Guru Nanak and the nine Gurus who succeeded him, translated this basic description of God called the Mool Mantar, into a harmonious life model for humankind. Freedom from fear and freedom from hatred are the two preconditions of this model.
It is built on the three pillars of honest and truthful living, sharing with others and constant awareness of the God Being. It is important that the independent Sikh ideology is clearly understood by those who continue to confuse Sikhism with other world religions.
Guru Granth Sahib, the Sikh scripture, is truly unique. In addition to the teachings of the Sikh Gurus, it includes the teachings of saintly people from different religious backgrounds. They all shared Guru Nanak’s universal values. Guru Nanak described God as:
“The One Creater, The Ultimate Truth, Who is without fear, without hatred, Everlasting, Unborn, Self-existent, realized through the Guru (i.e. through God’s Grace, for God Himself is the Guru, the Primal Teacher.)”
In Sikhism, God is above gender classification. Guru Nanak referred to God by many different names, which were commonly used in his time. The traditional Sikh name for God is “Waheguru” – the Wonderful Giver of Light, the Fount of all knowledge, the Primal Teacher.
In Guru Nanak’s founding precept, the two linked Godly qualities of being without fear (nirbhao) and without animosity (nirvair), provide the human interface with God. These are the two qualities human beings can cultivate in their daily lives. They can experience God by being without fear or hatred and achieve the ultimate goal of this life. This goal in the Sikh teachings is to lose the individual egocentric self in the Universal God Being. According to Sikh teachings “God’s devotee should be like God.” (GGS p 1372)
In his own life-time, Guru Nanak challenged infliction of fear, terror, cruelty or oppression in any form and in any religious, social or political sphere of life. According to the Ninth Nanak, Guru Tegh Bahadur, freedom from fear in daily life is achieved through the maxim “Frighten no-one and do not accept fear (in any form from any quarter) ” (GGS p 1427)
Freedom from fear is achieved by clearing the mind of hatred and animosity. For that reason, in Guru Nanak’s teachings, the two “without fear and without enmity” linked qualifications are placed side by side. There is nothing to fear because all is within God’s creation and in His Will (Hukam in Sikhism and Raza in Islam.). Hatred is the cause of conflict; it invites violence and breeds fear and must be shunned. Hatred and distrust are usually rooted in ignorance. Fear is a natural instinct and is always lurking in the dark corners of the human mind.
Unfortunately, fear has been freely exploited; and so has its more intense and overpowering form, terror. It is inflicted, or sometimes self-inflicted through ignorance, in many forms and in many aspects of our daily lives. There is terror, which is overt or direct. It may be in the form of an invasion as that of Babar, the Mughal invader, during Guru Nanak’s time. Guru Nanak condemned the terror spread by Babar’s invading army in strong language. Far worse form of terror has been inflicted on civilian populations in recent times.
On 11th September, thousands of innocent civilians were killed in large numbers by a form of suicidal fanaticism.
Religion has been misused for spreading, both, direct and indirect forms of terror. Religious fervour, turned into fanaticism has been used for invasions and terrorist activities. Superstition and religion have been used for spreading subtle but equally destructive forms of fear or terror. Reward and fearful punishment mechanisms have been used in religious ideologies as overt or covert forms of terror.
Guru Nanak’s teachings rise above such practices and make freedom from fear and hatred essential for spiritual and social progress.
Guru Nanak challenged religious terrorism in both, direct and indirect forms. He condemned religious fanaticism by preaching the underlying truth of every religion; he condemned the priesthood exploiting ignorance and superstition; he condemned prejudicial and oppressive practices like the caste system, he condemned horrifying rituals like the “suttee” – widow burning.
In Guru Nanak’s teachings, none who spread fear or insecurity are spared: the king and his henchmen using terror as an administrative tool; the high caste priest using rituals, superstition and social divisions as his devices for exploitation; the corrupt religious judge selling judgments; and, the religious fanatic who sought converts to own faith through force. And so he instilled a fearless spirit in his students, his Sikhs, and said:
“If you wish to play the game of (Lord’s) Love, place your head on the palm of your hand (i.e. be fearless) and come my way.” (Guru Nanak, GGS p.1412)
The foundation of Guru Nanak’s challenge to terrorism was thus laid. Thousands followed his path and defied terror robustly in any form or shape. That challenge of Guru Nanak is highly relevant today.
There are terrorist regimes around the globe. The terrorist attack on the US on 11th September, and what we have seen in its aftermath, illustrate how terrorism works. We saw a terrorist attack on the innocent civilians of a country; and that was followed by a “War on terrorism”. We talk of a terrorist attack. We talk of a “War on terrorism”. It takes only a slightly different view-point for “War on terrorism” itself becoming a form of terrorism.
Suddenly the minorities in the west feel insecure. They find themselves under threat and terrorized by the majority communities. Those who even remotely look like the terrorists shown on TV, get attacked. Hundreds of Muslims and Sikhs have been assaulted in the USA and many incidents have also been reported in the UK.
Education removes distrust and fear. The Sikh religion and Islam preach acquisition of knowledge as a religious duty. Fear may be a natural instinct but freedom from fear requires understanding of the diverse religions and cultures around us.
Guru Nanak saw freedom from fear and animosity towards none, as the essential pre-conditions of a successful plural society, which remains united despite its rich diversity. God’s Creation is diverse and in that diversity we see only one reflection of the One Creator.
The main objective of Guru Nanak’s challenge to terrorism is to teach humankind how to live in the spirit of fearing none and frightening no-one. This challenge is directed at all political, social and religious systems, which use fear or terror for achieving own ends, thereby denying fellow human beings the God given right to live in peace and with dignity.
Guru Nanak’s prayer is for the well-being of all.
-------------------------
© Copyright Gurmukh Singh
Please acknowledge quotations from this article
Articles may be included in publications subject to prior approval
Gurmukh Singh
E-mail: sewauk2005@yahoo.co.uk
Saturday, 8 May 2010
Sikhism & Religious Courts
Religious Courts and Tribunals: Sikh View
The main aim of religious courts is to propagate own religious codes. They can stall progress towards egalitarian legal systems based on fundamental human rights.
Background
A seminar later this month (January, 2009) will “explore Religious Courts and Tribunals, with particular reference to the Arbitration Act”.
We are invited to give a Sikh view regarding these developments.
There are likely to be further discussions and briefings about “Religious courts & tribunals” in view of Islamic Sharia becoming part of UK law. There was an uproar when Archbishop Rowan made the headlines, suggesting that he saw no harm in parts of Sharia law being recognised by UK law. In fact, settlement of disputes before Islamic arbitration tribunals, are already recognised by UK courts.
Despite the apparent legal safeguards, this is a slippery slope to an unjust and unequal society in which religious zealots are winning the day. We can continue to speculate how this would affect our own future in this country, but let us look at the Sikh view about religious courts.
Sikh view
I am not qualified to discuss this issue “with particular reference to the Arbitration Act”. I can only make an attempt to look at it from the perspective of Sikh ideology and tradition and leave it to legal colleagues to pick up any points they see relevant for future reference.
Main points;
· There are no religious courts in the Sikh religious tradition. Settlement of disputes in the Darbar of Guru Sahiban (Guru Persons) cannot be regarded in the same category as formal religious courts held by Muslim Kazis applying Sharia law and dishing out extremely cruel punishment sometimes. Also, there were other theo-political reasons for the Gurus, especially Guru Hargobind Ji and Guru Gobind Singh Ji, holding temporal courts and defying Islamic religious courts of the time. Those reasons would not be relevant in today’s civilised societies. They did not hold “religious” courts as such, which applied some sort of religious code like Sharia.
Gurmattas would be about interpretation of Gurbani guidance. Sarbatt Khalsa tradition is also about political (miri related) decisions agreeing tactics and Khalsa strategy (e.g. Khalsa army objectives in the 18th Century). Inter misl disputes were settled at the fringes of such gatherings when the Sardars embraced each other in the Guru’s presence. Such conciliations (“samjhautas” & “sulahs”) were not based on any fixed religious code. As elsewhere, it is also the Indian tradition to ask a family elder, a pious person, or a village “panch” (regardless of religious background) to settle disputes. Village “panchayats” were simply the village elders (“panch”) sitting together. Family and land disputes were brought before them for settlement. These days the “panchayats” are elected.
· The fact that Sikhee does not recognise ordained priesthood would also have a bearing on the Sikh religious position on the question of religious courts. There are no ordained priests and there cannot be any religious arbitration tribunals.
· Sikhee(ism) guides but does not prescribe or legislate. Sikh religion believes in general guidance by Guru Granth Sahib, based on universal human values but leaves “legislation” to temporal systems in which Sikhs would participate most actively to establish the ideal egalitarian regimes in which no one inflicts pain on another (Sikh concept of “halemi raj”).
· Sikh reht is continual interpretation of Gurbani, the Guru’s Word, by the Khalsa Panth. Even in religious matters Khalsa Panth (“miri” or temporal aspect of Guruship) agrees the code of conduct and changes it, if necessary according to time and place. It is not prescribed by the Guide Eternal, the Guru (“piri”, religious or spiritual aspect of Guruship). Otherwise, the Guru could have prescribed the Sikh Reht Maryada or laid down a detailed religious law code like Sharia.
· Sikh history shows that religious courts can be used as a means for propagating social injustice inherent in the (mis)interpretation of orthodox religious ideologies. Sikhs would oppose such retrograde trends in the societies they live in.
· Sikh religious and historical tradition would be strongly apposed to the current trend in the UK to legally recognise agreements (saalsi faisla or samjhaota) reached through “religious” courts and tribunals; because such “agreements” may have been reached under religious and/or social pressure (i.e. under duress). For example, the rights of certain groups like women may not be fully protected because a religion may not recognise these rights.
Other related factors
The main aim of religious courts is to propagate own religious practices. They can stall progress towards egalitarian legal systems based on fundamental human rights.
Most orthodox religions are based on strict religious codes. The priests made the laws and assumed almost unlimited powers next to the rulers; and sometimes even greater powers over life and death than the rulers. An outstanding example is the case of the Hindu youth Hakikat Rai excecuted by a “seminar” of leading Islamic religious scholars of northern India circa 1500, when the ruler (Nawab of Lahore) would have let him off for suggesting parity between Islam and Hinduism ! We know of the Muslim zealot Sheikh of Sirhind who issued religious orders (“farmaans”) to Islamic rulers in India and the middle east, which were obeyed. He was the cause of Shaheedi of Guru Arjan Dev Ji via emperor Jehangir. Sikhs have suffered the most cruel tortures and executions handed out as “judgements” by religious courts. They cannot possibly support the incremental return of such systems under whatever pretext, in the plural societies they live in.
Arbitration is as old as civilisation and religious courts are part of orthodox religious traditions. Beth Din or Jewish courts already exist. Recently we are seeing Islamic clerics (Kazis or Mullahs), resplendent in white robes, flowing beards and neat turbans being shown during peak time TV in documentaries about the backdoor entry of Sharia courts into the English legal system. They sit as panels of Islamic arbitrators (more like judges) in spacious well furnished rooms, at locations in UK, settling disputes according to Sharia law.
In the meantime, alarmist press reports like the one in the “Daily Express” (26 Nov p. 30) about Islamic Sharia becoming part of UK law stir up extremist elements in the multicultural UK society we live in. The impression given is that Islamic extremism is being used to lever huge concessions.
From a religious perspective, Sikhs should oppose such trends returning legal powers to the priest, which can threaten the cohesion of the British plural society.
(Hamra jhagra raha na ko-oo
Pandat mula(n) shaaday do-oo) (GGS 1158)
I have no quarrel with anyone. I reject both, the Brahmin Pandits and the Maulavis. GGS p 1159
And we also reject religious courts by the priestly class. Such courts are outdated and out of context in the 21st Century
Notes:
It will be useful to understand some relevant Panjabi word-concepts
which may not always have exactly the same meaning as the English words.
Jhagra = dispute
Saalsi faisla = arbitration; settlement of a dispute by a middleperson (called saals or vichola) or a panel of elders etc.
Samjhauta (karauna) = reconciliation; settlement; (the word is also used for pact, treaty or accord, with which we are less concerned here.)
Sulah (karaoni) = can have the same meaning as “samjhauta” but would be used more in the context of bringing about peace between two warring parties.
(Words in brackets show usage)
---------------------------------------------------------
© Copyright Gurmukh Singh
Please acknowledge quotations from this article
Articles may be included in publications subject to prior approval
Gurmukh Singh
Sewauk2005@yahoo.co.uk
The main aim of religious courts is to propagate own religious codes. They can stall progress towards egalitarian legal systems based on fundamental human rights.
Background
A seminar later this month (January, 2009) will “explore Religious Courts and Tribunals, with particular reference to the Arbitration Act”.
We are invited to give a Sikh view regarding these developments.
There are likely to be further discussions and briefings about “Religious courts & tribunals” in view of Islamic Sharia becoming part of UK law. There was an uproar when Archbishop Rowan made the headlines, suggesting that he saw no harm in parts of Sharia law being recognised by UK law. In fact, settlement of disputes before Islamic arbitration tribunals, are already recognised by UK courts.
Despite the apparent legal safeguards, this is a slippery slope to an unjust and unequal society in which religious zealots are winning the day. We can continue to speculate how this would affect our own future in this country, but let us look at the Sikh view about religious courts.
Sikh view
I am not qualified to discuss this issue “with particular reference to the Arbitration Act”. I can only make an attempt to look at it from the perspective of Sikh ideology and tradition and leave it to legal colleagues to pick up any points they see relevant for future reference.
Main points;
· There are no religious courts in the Sikh religious tradition. Settlement of disputes in the Darbar of Guru Sahiban (Guru Persons) cannot be regarded in the same category as formal religious courts held by Muslim Kazis applying Sharia law and dishing out extremely cruel punishment sometimes. Also, there were other theo-political reasons for the Gurus, especially Guru Hargobind Ji and Guru Gobind Singh Ji, holding temporal courts and defying Islamic religious courts of the time. Those reasons would not be relevant in today’s civilised societies. They did not hold “religious” courts as such, which applied some sort of religious code like Sharia.
Gurmattas would be about interpretation of Gurbani guidance. Sarbatt Khalsa tradition is also about political (miri related) decisions agreeing tactics and Khalsa strategy (e.g. Khalsa army objectives in the 18th Century). Inter misl disputes were settled at the fringes of such gatherings when the Sardars embraced each other in the Guru’s presence. Such conciliations (“samjhautas” & “sulahs”) were not based on any fixed religious code. As elsewhere, it is also the Indian tradition to ask a family elder, a pious person, or a village “panch” (regardless of religious background) to settle disputes. Village “panchayats” were simply the village elders (“panch”) sitting together. Family and land disputes were brought before them for settlement. These days the “panchayats” are elected.
· The fact that Sikhee does not recognise ordained priesthood would also have a bearing on the Sikh religious position on the question of religious courts. There are no ordained priests and there cannot be any religious arbitration tribunals.
· Sikhee(ism) guides but does not prescribe or legislate. Sikh religion believes in general guidance by Guru Granth Sahib, based on universal human values but leaves “legislation” to temporal systems in which Sikhs would participate most actively to establish the ideal egalitarian regimes in which no one inflicts pain on another (Sikh concept of “halemi raj”).
· Sikh reht is continual interpretation of Gurbani, the Guru’s Word, by the Khalsa Panth. Even in religious matters Khalsa Panth (“miri” or temporal aspect of Guruship) agrees the code of conduct and changes it, if necessary according to time and place. It is not prescribed by the Guide Eternal, the Guru (“piri”, religious or spiritual aspect of Guruship). Otherwise, the Guru could have prescribed the Sikh Reht Maryada or laid down a detailed religious law code like Sharia.
· Sikh history shows that religious courts can be used as a means for propagating social injustice inherent in the (mis)interpretation of orthodox religious ideologies. Sikhs would oppose such retrograde trends in the societies they live in.
· Sikh religious and historical tradition would be strongly apposed to the current trend in the UK to legally recognise agreements (saalsi faisla or samjhaota) reached through “religious” courts and tribunals; because such “agreements” may have been reached under religious and/or social pressure (i.e. under duress). For example, the rights of certain groups like women may not be fully protected because a religion may not recognise these rights.
Other related factors
The main aim of religious courts is to propagate own religious practices. They can stall progress towards egalitarian legal systems based on fundamental human rights.
Most orthodox religions are based on strict religious codes. The priests made the laws and assumed almost unlimited powers next to the rulers; and sometimes even greater powers over life and death than the rulers. An outstanding example is the case of the Hindu youth Hakikat Rai excecuted by a “seminar” of leading Islamic religious scholars of northern India circa 1500, when the ruler (Nawab of Lahore) would have let him off for suggesting parity between Islam and Hinduism ! We know of the Muslim zealot Sheikh of Sirhind who issued religious orders (“farmaans”) to Islamic rulers in India and the middle east, which were obeyed. He was the cause of Shaheedi of Guru Arjan Dev Ji via emperor Jehangir. Sikhs have suffered the most cruel tortures and executions handed out as “judgements” by religious courts. They cannot possibly support the incremental return of such systems under whatever pretext, in the plural societies they live in.
Arbitration is as old as civilisation and religious courts are part of orthodox religious traditions. Beth Din or Jewish courts already exist. Recently we are seeing Islamic clerics (Kazis or Mullahs), resplendent in white robes, flowing beards and neat turbans being shown during peak time TV in documentaries about the backdoor entry of Sharia courts into the English legal system. They sit as panels of Islamic arbitrators (more like judges) in spacious well furnished rooms, at locations in UK, settling disputes according to Sharia law.
In the meantime, alarmist press reports like the one in the “Daily Express” (26 Nov p. 30) about Islamic Sharia becoming part of UK law stir up extremist elements in the multicultural UK society we live in. The impression given is that Islamic extremism is being used to lever huge concessions.
From a religious perspective, Sikhs should oppose such trends returning legal powers to the priest, which can threaten the cohesion of the British plural society.
(Hamra jhagra raha na ko-oo
Pandat mula(n) shaaday do-oo) (GGS 1158)
I have no quarrel with anyone. I reject both, the Brahmin Pandits and the Maulavis. GGS p 1159
And we also reject religious courts by the priestly class. Such courts are outdated and out of context in the 21st Century
Notes:
It will be useful to understand some relevant Panjabi word-concepts
which may not always have exactly the same meaning as the English words.
Jhagra = dispute
Saalsi faisla = arbitration; settlement of a dispute by a middleperson (called saals or vichola) or a panel of elders etc.
Samjhauta (karauna) = reconciliation; settlement; (the word is also used for pact, treaty or accord, with which we are less concerned here.)
Sulah (karaoni) = can have the same meaning as “samjhauta” but would be used more in the context of bringing about peace between two warring parties.
(Words in brackets show usage)
---------------------------------------------------------
© Copyright Gurmukh Singh
Please acknowledge quotations from this article
Articles may be included in publications subject to prior approval
Gurmukh Singh
Sewauk2005@yahoo.co.uk
Sikh Martial Tradition
-------------------------
Heritage of the Sikhs:
Sikh Martial Tradition
(Gurmukh Singh’s paper read at the Sikh Study Forum Conference on 6 November, 2004)
Death is a privilege for the brave, if they die for a noble cause
(Guru Nanak (1469 – 1539), Guru Granth Sahib p.579)
When this mortal life reaches its limits
May I die fighting with limitless courage
(Guru Gobind Singh (1666 – 1708)
Introduction
A retired General of the Indian army, an author of many books on military strategy, commented on one occasion that India had yet to acknowledge the contribution of the Khalsa in securing the north-western border of the Indian sub-continent. Annual invasions from that direction were stopped forever during the Khalsa Raj of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. India owes much to the martial tradition of the Khalsa.
This tradition is perhaps the most important aspect of Sikh heritage. Regrettably, however, the contribution of this great tradition in shaping the history of modern India is acknowledged only grudgingly, if at all, by Indian historians and politicians. Few historians have studied Indian and Sikh history from the perspective of the Sikh martial tradition. They have been pre-occupied mostly with religious sects, abstract and opt-out Indian ideologies, petty princedoms fighting each other, the days of the British Raj, communal frictions, and later, with freedom movements and India’s struggle for independence in the first half of the 20th Century. Even students of Sikh history do not quite bring out the central role of the Sikh martial tradition by interpreting Sikh history in the context of that tradition.
Anglo-Sikh relations based on the Sikh martial tradition
The bilateral Anglo-Sikh relations in the 19th and early 20th Centuries were also based on the Sikh martial tradition, which was transformed, with military discipline, into the world renowned Sikh military tradition. There was a two-way flow of benefits in this special relationship. Many developments can be traced back to this tradition: evolution of the Sikhs as a nation, recruitment of Sikhs into the Indian Army in large numbers, the prosperity and development of Panjab as an agricultural province, the widespread education amongst the Sikhs as compared to other Indian communities, the migration of Sikhs to other countries under the British colonial rule, and, of course, the prominent role of the Sikhs in the two World Wars.
The disorganised Indian mutiny of 1857 was the first test of the Anglo-Sikh relationship. However, the Sikhs saw no reason to side those, who had only eight years before, joined the British in the invasion of Panjab. The invasion, was described by a contemporary Muslim poet, Shah Muhamad, as “Jang Hind Panjab” (i.e. War between India and Panjab).
The Anglo-Sikh connection based on the Sikh military tradition brought many other side benefits. It brought discipline amongst Sikh youth in the villages of Panjab; it offered them employment opportunities in Panjab, in the rest of the Indian sub-continent and abroad, first in the army, then the police and over the years, in other services and professions. Sikh soldiers received basic education themselves and in turn educated their children. Retired servicemen led reforms in villages as village elders and some became spiritual leaders. Over the years, the Sikh diaspora excelled in all sorts of professions, and the Sikhs became one of the most educated and prosperous communities in the British Empire, perhaps next only to the British themselves.
The Sikh Martial tradition and Sikh ideology
The foundation of the Sikh saint-warrior, twin track approach to life, was laid in Guru Nanak’s teachings. He preached truthful conduct and righteous living, and the sacrifice such conduct would require. The language he used was robust and his challenge to his followers was clear:
“If you desire to play the game of love (i.e. follow this path of truthful conduct to achieve union with the Lord Creator), step my way and be prepared to sacrifice your life.” (Guru Nanak, Guru Granth Sahib p. 1412)
Under the leadership of the Sixth Guru, Hargobind (1595 – 1644), the Sikhs took up arms to defend the faith following the martyrdom at Lahore in Panjab, of the Fifth Guru, Arjan Dev in 1606. However, it was the Tenth Guru, Gobind Singh (1666 – 1708) who finally transformed the Sikhs into the order of the Khalsa; a nation which combined spiritual and worldly aspects of life as saint-soldiers. The Akalis (also called Nihangs) amongst the Sikhs were totally devoted to the Khalsa cause and formed the nucleus of the Khalsa army, which was finally victorious over the Moghul oppression.
Guru Gobind Singh gave his Khalsa a distinct identity. Henceforth, the full Sikh or Khalsa identity included what are popularly known as the 5 Ks including the Sikh dastar: Kesh: unshorn hair; Karha: iron bracelet; Kirpan: sacred sword (small or full length); Kangha: small wooden comb; and, Kachhera: special style agile shorts. Also, every man has the common Sikh name “Singh” (meaning “lion”, representing courage), and every Sikh woman has the name “Kaur” (meaning “princess”, representing grace).
The Guru placed great stress on Sikh identity and there are good historical reasons for that. He felt that only with a distinct identity would they develop the inner courage to face oppression.
So long as the Khalsa remains distinct, my spiritual power shall be with the Khalsa
(Guru Gobind Singh.)
The mission of the Khalsa was clear:
“To uphold righteousness, to lift the good and to destroy evil.” (Guru Gobind, Bachittar Natak.)
Three rules of the martial engagement were clarified:
1) Take up arms only as a last resort
“When all other means have failed, it is just to resort to the sword.”
(Guru Gobind Singh, Zafarnama – His “letter of victory” i.e.ultimate victory of right over wrong, to Emperor Aurungzeb.)
2) Never strike first
3) Use only proportionate force
(Jabay baan laagai. Tabay rose jaagai: Guru Gobind, Bachittar Natak.)
The Khalsa is ever ready to defend the weak and will not hesitate to give own life for a just cause.
Despite the world renowned martial tradition of the Sikhs, Guru Nanak’s was essentially a message of peace on earth, “Let universal brotherhood be
The highest aspiration of your religious order (Guru Nanak, Guru Granth sahib p.6)
The Khalsa Panth remember this message by concluding their daily prayers:
“May the entire humankind be blessed with peace and well being.”
The commitment of the Guru’s Khalsa to the creation of a just human society, in which discrimination of any type had no place and no one inflicted pain on another, was to be tested to the limit during and after the period of the Guru personalities (1469 – 1708).
Part II
It did not take long for the egalitarian and socially liberating ideology of Guru Nanak to clash with the interests of the rulers and religious bigots. Emancipation of women, abolition of the evil caste system, and the Guru’s condemnation of fear-inspiring superstitions and rituals threatened the whole Hindu Brahmanic religious system based on caste and social divisions. At the same time the Guru was challenging the oppression of the ruling classes: these were the nawabs, the rajahs, the feudal landowners called the jagirdars, the corrupt judges and the Moghul Emperors at Delhi. Taxes were very high for the poor people while the nawabs and maharajahs lived in great luxury. There was no law and order. The price paid willingly by the Gurus and the Sikhs for their liberating ideology was heavy.
The Fifth Guru, Arjan Dev was tortured to death (30th May, 1606) on the orders of the Mughal emperor Jehangir. In a letter dated 25th September, 1606 from Lahore where the Guru was martyred, Father Zerome Xavier, a Jesuit priest, wrote, “In that way their good Pope died, overwhelmed by the sufferings, torments and dishonours.” The Ninth Guru, Tegh Bahaur was beheaded (11th November, 1675) on the orders of the Mughal emperor Aurungzeb for raising a strong voice of protest against the forced conversion of the Hindus to Islam. This was the first time in human history that the leader of one religion gave his life to save another religion.
Although, the Sikh warrior tradition had started with the Sixth Guru, Hargobind, Guru Gobind Singh gave the Sikhs the organisation and the discipline to succeed as saint-warriors. He had four sons. His elder two sons died in the memorable battle of Chamkaur Sahib. His younger two sons were martyred by the Nawab of Sirhind, despite strong public protests. Hundreds of Sikhs gave their lives in battle or were tortured to death over the next six decades (1708 – 1765). However, the invincible spirit instilled into his Khalsa by the Guru, triumphed in the end. The Khalsa, with popular support from all communities, established a kingdom under the leadership of Maharajah Ranjit Singh (1780 - 1839). Much of the area north of Delhi, between rivers Jamna and Sutlej –cis-Sulej area - was already ruled by Sikh princedoms by the time Maharajah Ranjit Singh came to power in 1799, exactly one hundred years after the establishment of the Khalsa nation by Guru Gobind Singh in 1699.
Western scholars
Western scholars started taking interest in the Sikh theo-political tradition. The first truly authentic book on Sikhs, based on the study of the Sikh scriptures, Guru Granth Sahib, and the Sikh saint-warrior tradition, was completed by J. D. Cunningham (1812 – 1851) in 1849. He was an eye-witness to the last days of the great Sikh kingdom of Maharajah Ranjit Singh. The book was published at about the same time as the annexation of Panjab by the British in 1849.
Cunningham wrote about the Khalsa:
“The last apostle of the Sikhs [Guru Gobind Singh who died in 1708] did not live to see his own ends accomplished, but he effectually roused the dormant energies of a vanquished people and filled them with a lofty although fitful longing for social freedom and national ascendancy………..A living spirit possesses the whole Sikh people and the impress of Gobind has not only elevated and altered the constitution of their minds, but has operated materially and added amplitude to their physical frames. The features and external form of a whole people has been modified….”
British scholars of Sikh history were surprised and much impressed by what they discovered. Towards the end of the 19th Century, Max A Macauliffe (1841 – 1913) started his six volumes, The Sikh Religion, on the Sikhs and the Sikh scriptures with the words:
“I bring from the East what is practically an unknown religion. The Sikhs are distinguished throughout the world as a great military people, but there is little known even to professional scholars regarding their religion.” He went on to write, “As we shall see hereafter, it would be difficult to point to a religion of greater originality or to a more comprehensive ethical system.”
Conclusion
At the time of Guru Gobind Singh’s death in 1708, the Sikhs had all the characteristics of a distinct religion and a nation. They had their own own Scriptures, Guru Granth Sahib, compiled by the Fifth Guru, Arjan Dev and at Amritsar, Panjab, they had established their seat of theo-political independence, Akal Takhat built by the Sixth Guru, Hargobind. The Sikh community as the Khalsa had distinct external appearance and a code of conduct. By then, the Sikhs were a distinct Khalsa nation known for their sense of sacrifice and bravery.
The high point was reached by the end of the 18th century when the Sikhs ruled most of the land north of river Jamna (i.e. north of Delhi) and Maharajah Ranjit Singh established the united Khalsa Raj of the Panjabis north of River Sutlej. This was also the time when the Anglo-Sikh relations were formally established through the Treaties of 1809 with Sikh states, including that of Maharaja Ranjit Singh.
Finally, the Sikh martial tradition, as an important component of the Sikh heritage, had delivered the Sikhs through the most challenging period in Sikh history, which included two holocausts (the Ghalugharas). At the end of the 18th Century, the Sikh nation was in a strong position to face the New Age.
The Sikhs were yet to perform military feats, like the Battle of Saragarhi, which remain unrivalled in military history. It is only in recent years that the extent of the role of the Sikhs in the two World Wars has been made known to the world. More work needs to be done in that area. That is a task for the next generation, which has every reason to be proud of their rich heritage.
The Epic of Saragarhi 12th September 1897
“Fighting against overwhelming numbers, they all died at their posts, with unflinching loyalty and devotion to their oath while upholding to the very last, the traditional bravery of the Sikh nation”. (The Commander-in-Chief, India).
This was one of the most heroic actions in recorded history fought by a small detachment of 21 jawans of the 36th Sikh (since redesignated as the 4th Battalion of the Sikh Regiment of the Indian Army). The action was fought at Saragarhi in North West Frontier Province, now in Pakistan and close to the Afghanistan border. Saragarhi was a small army post, a small square stone blockhouse built on a high ridge called the Samana Ridge. The post provided vital communication between Fort Lockhart and Fort Gulistan on either side of the Saragarhi post. One hundred and twenty-one jawans of the 36th Sikhs were in Fort Lockhart and 175 in Fort Gulistan at the time. You need to remember that communication those days was by visual signalling equipment[1].
Several thousand Pathan tribesmen attacked this small post on the morning of 12th September 1897. They surrounded the post so that no help from the other units could reach in time. These jawans under the command of Havildar (sergeant) Ishar Singh[1] fought a memorable battle killing over three hundred attacking tribesmen. The last person to join the battle was the signaller, Sepoy (soldier) Gurmukh Singh, who had until then kept the battalion headquarters informed of the situation. He asked permission from headquarters to stop signalling, took up his rifle and fell fighting single-handed. The valour of these heroes of Saragarhi won wide acclaim and they were posthumously awarded the highest military honours for gallantry. Battle Honours were also awarded to their battalion, 36th Sikhs.
It is not surprising that following epics like the battle of Saragarhi and the earlier Anglo-Sikh wars, the gallantry of the Sikh battalions became legendary. The military fame of the Sikhs spread worldwide. The Sikh units of the Indian army became role models for others. They provided a source of inspiration for others while convincing the British commanders that soldiers from the Indian subcontinent could stand their ground against the best in the world.
It is with this background that we need to assess the contribution of the Sikhs to the two World Wars fought for the freedom of mankind. A contribution, which is sometimes forgotten by the politicians or overlooked by the military historians.
© Copyright Gurmukh Singh
Please acknowledge quotations from this article
Articles may be included in publications subject to prior approval
Gurmukh Singh
E-mail: sewauk2005@yahoo.co.uk
Heritage of the Sikhs:
Sikh Martial Tradition
(Gurmukh Singh’s paper read at the Sikh Study Forum Conference on 6 November, 2004)
Death is a privilege for the brave, if they die for a noble cause
(Guru Nanak (1469 – 1539), Guru Granth Sahib p.579)
When this mortal life reaches its limits
May I die fighting with limitless courage
(Guru Gobind Singh (1666 – 1708)
Introduction
A retired General of the Indian army, an author of many books on military strategy, commented on one occasion that India had yet to acknowledge the contribution of the Khalsa in securing the north-western border of the Indian sub-continent. Annual invasions from that direction were stopped forever during the Khalsa Raj of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. India owes much to the martial tradition of the Khalsa.
This tradition is perhaps the most important aspect of Sikh heritage. Regrettably, however, the contribution of this great tradition in shaping the history of modern India is acknowledged only grudgingly, if at all, by Indian historians and politicians. Few historians have studied Indian and Sikh history from the perspective of the Sikh martial tradition. They have been pre-occupied mostly with religious sects, abstract and opt-out Indian ideologies, petty princedoms fighting each other, the days of the British Raj, communal frictions, and later, with freedom movements and India’s struggle for independence in the first half of the 20th Century. Even students of Sikh history do not quite bring out the central role of the Sikh martial tradition by interpreting Sikh history in the context of that tradition.
Anglo-Sikh relations based on the Sikh martial tradition
The bilateral Anglo-Sikh relations in the 19th and early 20th Centuries were also based on the Sikh martial tradition, which was transformed, with military discipline, into the world renowned Sikh military tradition. There was a two-way flow of benefits in this special relationship. Many developments can be traced back to this tradition: evolution of the Sikhs as a nation, recruitment of Sikhs into the Indian Army in large numbers, the prosperity and development of Panjab as an agricultural province, the widespread education amongst the Sikhs as compared to other Indian communities, the migration of Sikhs to other countries under the British colonial rule, and, of course, the prominent role of the Sikhs in the two World Wars.
The disorganised Indian mutiny of 1857 was the first test of the Anglo-Sikh relationship. However, the Sikhs saw no reason to side those, who had only eight years before, joined the British in the invasion of Panjab. The invasion, was described by a contemporary Muslim poet, Shah Muhamad, as “Jang Hind Panjab” (i.e. War between India and Panjab).
The Anglo-Sikh connection based on the Sikh military tradition brought many other side benefits. It brought discipline amongst Sikh youth in the villages of Panjab; it offered them employment opportunities in Panjab, in the rest of the Indian sub-continent and abroad, first in the army, then the police and over the years, in other services and professions. Sikh soldiers received basic education themselves and in turn educated their children. Retired servicemen led reforms in villages as village elders and some became spiritual leaders. Over the years, the Sikh diaspora excelled in all sorts of professions, and the Sikhs became one of the most educated and prosperous communities in the British Empire, perhaps next only to the British themselves.
The Sikh Martial tradition and Sikh ideology
The foundation of the Sikh saint-warrior, twin track approach to life, was laid in Guru Nanak’s teachings. He preached truthful conduct and righteous living, and the sacrifice such conduct would require. The language he used was robust and his challenge to his followers was clear:
“If you desire to play the game of love (i.e. follow this path of truthful conduct to achieve union with the Lord Creator), step my way and be prepared to sacrifice your life.” (Guru Nanak, Guru Granth Sahib p. 1412)
Under the leadership of the Sixth Guru, Hargobind (1595 – 1644), the Sikhs took up arms to defend the faith following the martyrdom at Lahore in Panjab, of the Fifth Guru, Arjan Dev in 1606. However, it was the Tenth Guru, Gobind Singh (1666 – 1708) who finally transformed the Sikhs into the order of the Khalsa; a nation which combined spiritual and worldly aspects of life as saint-soldiers. The Akalis (also called Nihangs) amongst the Sikhs were totally devoted to the Khalsa cause and formed the nucleus of the Khalsa army, which was finally victorious over the Moghul oppression.
Guru Gobind Singh gave his Khalsa a distinct identity. Henceforth, the full Sikh or Khalsa identity included what are popularly known as the 5 Ks including the Sikh dastar: Kesh: unshorn hair; Karha: iron bracelet; Kirpan: sacred sword (small or full length); Kangha: small wooden comb; and, Kachhera: special style agile shorts. Also, every man has the common Sikh name “Singh” (meaning “lion”, representing courage), and every Sikh woman has the name “Kaur” (meaning “princess”, representing grace).
The Guru placed great stress on Sikh identity and there are good historical reasons for that. He felt that only with a distinct identity would they develop the inner courage to face oppression.
So long as the Khalsa remains distinct, my spiritual power shall be with the Khalsa
(Guru Gobind Singh.)
The mission of the Khalsa was clear:
“To uphold righteousness, to lift the good and to destroy evil.” (Guru Gobind, Bachittar Natak.)
Three rules of the martial engagement were clarified:
1) Take up arms only as a last resort
“When all other means have failed, it is just to resort to the sword.”
(Guru Gobind Singh, Zafarnama – His “letter of victory” i.e.ultimate victory of right over wrong, to Emperor Aurungzeb.)
2) Never strike first
3) Use only proportionate force
(Jabay baan laagai. Tabay rose jaagai: Guru Gobind, Bachittar Natak.)
The Khalsa is ever ready to defend the weak and will not hesitate to give own life for a just cause.
Despite the world renowned martial tradition of the Sikhs, Guru Nanak’s was essentially a message of peace on earth, “Let universal brotherhood be
The highest aspiration of your religious order (Guru Nanak, Guru Granth sahib p.6)
The Khalsa Panth remember this message by concluding their daily prayers:
“May the entire humankind be blessed with peace and well being.”
The commitment of the Guru’s Khalsa to the creation of a just human society, in which discrimination of any type had no place and no one inflicted pain on another, was to be tested to the limit during and after the period of the Guru personalities (1469 – 1708).
Part II
It did not take long for the egalitarian and socially liberating ideology of Guru Nanak to clash with the interests of the rulers and religious bigots. Emancipation of women, abolition of the evil caste system, and the Guru’s condemnation of fear-inspiring superstitions and rituals threatened the whole Hindu Brahmanic religious system based on caste and social divisions. At the same time the Guru was challenging the oppression of the ruling classes: these were the nawabs, the rajahs, the feudal landowners called the jagirdars, the corrupt judges and the Moghul Emperors at Delhi. Taxes were very high for the poor people while the nawabs and maharajahs lived in great luxury. There was no law and order. The price paid willingly by the Gurus and the Sikhs for their liberating ideology was heavy.
The Fifth Guru, Arjan Dev was tortured to death (30th May, 1606) on the orders of the Mughal emperor Jehangir. In a letter dated 25th September, 1606 from Lahore where the Guru was martyred, Father Zerome Xavier, a Jesuit priest, wrote, “In that way their good Pope died, overwhelmed by the sufferings, torments and dishonours.” The Ninth Guru, Tegh Bahaur was beheaded (11th November, 1675) on the orders of the Mughal emperor Aurungzeb for raising a strong voice of protest against the forced conversion of the Hindus to Islam. This was the first time in human history that the leader of one religion gave his life to save another religion.
Although, the Sikh warrior tradition had started with the Sixth Guru, Hargobind, Guru Gobind Singh gave the Sikhs the organisation and the discipline to succeed as saint-warriors. He had four sons. His elder two sons died in the memorable battle of Chamkaur Sahib. His younger two sons were martyred by the Nawab of Sirhind, despite strong public protests. Hundreds of Sikhs gave their lives in battle or were tortured to death over the next six decades (1708 – 1765). However, the invincible spirit instilled into his Khalsa by the Guru, triumphed in the end. The Khalsa, with popular support from all communities, established a kingdom under the leadership of Maharajah Ranjit Singh (1780 - 1839). Much of the area north of Delhi, between rivers Jamna and Sutlej –cis-Sulej area - was already ruled by Sikh princedoms by the time Maharajah Ranjit Singh came to power in 1799, exactly one hundred years after the establishment of the Khalsa nation by Guru Gobind Singh in 1699.
Western scholars
Western scholars started taking interest in the Sikh theo-political tradition. The first truly authentic book on Sikhs, based on the study of the Sikh scriptures, Guru Granth Sahib, and the Sikh saint-warrior tradition, was completed by J. D. Cunningham (1812 – 1851) in 1849. He was an eye-witness to the last days of the great Sikh kingdom of Maharajah Ranjit Singh. The book was published at about the same time as the annexation of Panjab by the British in 1849.
Cunningham wrote about the Khalsa:
“The last apostle of the Sikhs [Guru Gobind Singh who died in 1708] did not live to see his own ends accomplished, but he effectually roused the dormant energies of a vanquished people and filled them with a lofty although fitful longing for social freedom and national ascendancy………..A living spirit possesses the whole Sikh people and the impress of Gobind has not only elevated and altered the constitution of their minds, but has operated materially and added amplitude to their physical frames. The features and external form of a whole people has been modified….”
British scholars of Sikh history were surprised and much impressed by what they discovered. Towards the end of the 19th Century, Max A Macauliffe (1841 – 1913) started his six volumes, The Sikh Religion, on the Sikhs and the Sikh scriptures with the words:
“I bring from the East what is practically an unknown religion. The Sikhs are distinguished throughout the world as a great military people, but there is little known even to professional scholars regarding their religion.” He went on to write, “As we shall see hereafter, it would be difficult to point to a religion of greater originality or to a more comprehensive ethical system.”
Conclusion
At the time of Guru Gobind Singh’s death in 1708, the Sikhs had all the characteristics of a distinct religion and a nation. They had their own own Scriptures, Guru Granth Sahib, compiled by the Fifth Guru, Arjan Dev and at Amritsar, Panjab, they had established their seat of theo-political independence, Akal Takhat built by the Sixth Guru, Hargobind. The Sikh community as the Khalsa had distinct external appearance and a code of conduct. By then, the Sikhs were a distinct Khalsa nation known for their sense of sacrifice and bravery.
The high point was reached by the end of the 18th century when the Sikhs ruled most of the land north of river Jamna (i.e. north of Delhi) and Maharajah Ranjit Singh established the united Khalsa Raj of the Panjabis north of River Sutlej. This was also the time when the Anglo-Sikh relations were formally established through the Treaties of 1809 with Sikh states, including that of Maharaja Ranjit Singh.
Finally, the Sikh martial tradition, as an important component of the Sikh heritage, had delivered the Sikhs through the most challenging period in Sikh history, which included two holocausts (the Ghalugharas). At the end of the 18th Century, the Sikh nation was in a strong position to face the New Age.
The Sikhs were yet to perform military feats, like the Battle of Saragarhi, which remain unrivalled in military history. It is only in recent years that the extent of the role of the Sikhs in the two World Wars has been made known to the world. More work needs to be done in that area. That is a task for the next generation, which has every reason to be proud of their rich heritage.
The Epic of Saragarhi 12th September 1897
“Fighting against overwhelming numbers, they all died at their posts, with unflinching loyalty and devotion to their oath while upholding to the very last, the traditional bravery of the Sikh nation”. (The Commander-in-Chief, India).
This was one of the most heroic actions in recorded history fought by a small detachment of 21 jawans of the 36th Sikh (since redesignated as the 4th Battalion of the Sikh Regiment of the Indian Army). The action was fought at Saragarhi in North West Frontier Province, now in Pakistan and close to the Afghanistan border. Saragarhi was a small army post, a small square stone blockhouse built on a high ridge called the Samana Ridge. The post provided vital communication between Fort Lockhart and Fort Gulistan on either side of the Saragarhi post. One hundred and twenty-one jawans of the 36th Sikhs were in Fort Lockhart and 175 in Fort Gulistan at the time. You need to remember that communication those days was by visual signalling equipment[1].
Several thousand Pathan tribesmen attacked this small post on the morning of 12th September 1897. They surrounded the post so that no help from the other units could reach in time. These jawans under the command of Havildar (sergeant) Ishar Singh[1] fought a memorable battle killing over three hundred attacking tribesmen. The last person to join the battle was the signaller, Sepoy (soldier) Gurmukh Singh, who had until then kept the battalion headquarters informed of the situation. He asked permission from headquarters to stop signalling, took up his rifle and fell fighting single-handed. The valour of these heroes of Saragarhi won wide acclaim and they were posthumously awarded the highest military honours for gallantry. Battle Honours were also awarded to their battalion, 36th Sikhs.
It is not surprising that following epics like the battle of Saragarhi and the earlier Anglo-Sikh wars, the gallantry of the Sikh battalions became legendary. The military fame of the Sikhs spread worldwide. The Sikh units of the Indian army became role models for others. They provided a source of inspiration for others while convincing the British commanders that soldiers from the Indian subcontinent could stand their ground against the best in the world.
It is with this background that we need to assess the contribution of the Sikhs to the two World Wars fought for the freedom of mankind. A contribution, which is sometimes forgotten by the politicians or overlooked by the military historians.
© Copyright Gurmukh Singh
Please acknowledge quotations from this article
Articles may be included in publications subject to prior approval
Gurmukh Singh
E-mail: sewauk2005@yahoo.co.uk
Monday, 3 May 2010
Book Review: I Accuse...The Anti-Sikh Violence of 1984
Book Review
“I Accuse...The Anti-Sikh Violence of 1984”
(Author: Jarnail Singh journalist, with foreword by Khushwant Singh, Penguin Books India 2009. Available in Punjabi, Hindi and English.
English translation by Vaishali Mathur 165 pages)
The question uppermost in my mind as I finished reading Jarnail Singh’s book “ I Accuse...The Anti-Sikh Violence of 1984” was, “How can all checks and safeguards of a democracy fail so completely at the same time in the capital city of the largest democracy in the world ?” Or, to quote the book cover note, “Why did the state apparatus allow it to happen?”
The guardians of the constitution: the President, the Parliament, different branches of the administration, the judiciary, the media – all abdicated their responsibility for three days from 1 November to 3 November 1984.
President Zail Singh felt that he had “no right to intervene.” Delhi Police Commissioner Subhash Tandon said that he was “not informed” even though he was seen with crowds attacking Gurdwara Rakab Ganj. Home Minister Narsimha Rao remained silent. Lt Governor P G Gavai thought everything was under control and did not consider it necessary to call in the army. To the President he said, “If the army is called in, the situation is going to get worse.” A magistrate refused to sign an order to control mobs with force if necessary, even as Sikh properties and people were being burnt in his neighbourhood.
Senior Congress politicians like Rajpal Saroj held private meetings on the evening of 31 October to make all arrangements right up to the finer details about distributing kerosene and a white inflammable powder to set the victims alight. Delhi transport and Police support was enlisted.
Doordarshan, the only TV station, played its part by repeatedly showing Indira Gandhi’s body kept in state at Teen Murti Bhawan, alternating with scenes of mobs shouting “khoon ka badla khoon” (blood for blood in revenge).
According to this vivid account, all branches of government conspired to encourage violence against one Indian community – the Sikhs. The book is based on inquiry commission reports over the years, eye-witness evidence, horrific personal experiences (mainly of Sikh women) and how, even to this day, they continue to be denied justice and suffer in poverty.
Jarnail Singh was an eleven year old school kid in Delhi in 1984 and sufficiently aware of what was going on. Despite much hardship at home, he became a successful journalist. He grew up in Delhi during this period and interweaves own autobiography with the main theme of the book. He is now out of a job because he threw a symbolic shoe at political untruths and cover-ups, with an impact which shook and shamed a whole nation. As a dedicated Gursikh, following in the footsteps of Guru Nanak Sahib, who did not hesitate to call the ruthless invading Babar a tyrant (jaabar), Jarnail Singh could no longer remain silent, no matter what the cost to himself and his family.
The main media focus on 31st November 1984, was the assassination Indira Gandhi who had sanctioned army invasion of Darbar Sahib (Golden Temple complex), the holiest shrine of the Sikhs only five months before. Thousands of innocent civilians paid with their lives during that military invasion of civilian targets in peacetime.
However, by contrast, during these three days of slaughter of thousands of fellow Indians in the first week of November 1984, in Delhi and elsewhere, they were denied army protection despite repeated requests on behalf of the victims. General A S Vaidya confirmed that “by 31 October midnight, a brigade from Meerut had reached Delhi.” Both, Home Minister Narsimha Rao and Lt Governor P G Gavai, either refused to call in the army or did not bother. Writes the author, “But this was happening in Delhi, not in some remote and inaccessible part of the country. Why did it take two days to call in the army – two days during which Sikhs were being killed and their properties looted ? The Nanavati Commission report puts the number of Sikhs killed in Delhi at 3000.”
Then, as soon as the world media with its TV cameras and reporters arrived for the funeral of Mrs Indira Gandhi on 3rd November, this fire started on 1 November, was extinguished with the same efficiency as it had been started. It was as if nothing had happened!
A failure of such magnitude in a country accounting for one fifth of humanity becomes a legitimate concern of all in the ever-shrinking global village. Not only that the whole system failed for thousands of Sikhs in India’s capital city Delhi and many other cities, but that it worked most ruthlessly against them as a relentless killing machine for those three days.
Jarnail Singh has highlighted November 1984, as a running sore for the Sikhs and right thinking Indians. He is not proud of his shoe throwing act and has gracefully accepted his job loss as a journalist. Whilst Sikhs with a nationalist agenda throng around him for photo opportunities, the so called “moderate Sikhs” admire his guts but keep away. In short, the author, the “shoe throwing” Jarnail Singh has become an icon in the Sikh diaspora. He is articulate, well versed in Gurbani and holds the attention of the Sangats in gurdwaras. He is almost certainly above Indian party politics or the Sikh internal “jathebandi” divides.
The book is written in a user friendly style for a wide ranging readership. The underlying message seems to be that the Sikhs should forgive if they are allowed to, by a system which, as yet, remains unrepentant; but Sikhs should not forget. My impression is that the Sikhs would very much like to forgive, but are continually being denied good reasons for being able to do that by a system, which seems to have lost its democratic moorings. The recent “clean chit” to one of the alleged leaders of this pogrom, Jagdish Tytler, who was promoted to a ministerial position in the Congress government soon after the massacre, adds insult to the injured Sikh psyche.
And so, the world, except for the occasional world media report coinciding with related Indian court cases, CBI and inquiry commission reports over the years, continues to sweep the massacre of a minority in the biggest democracy in the world, under the carpet, while the victims still await justice after 25 years.
Finally, one can but agree with Khushwant Singh when he writes in his foreword, “Jarnail Singh’s “I Accuse...” is a shocking book that should shame every citizen of India.... I Accuse ...opens wounds which have not yet healed. It is a must-read for all those who wish that such horrendous crimes do not take place.”
(Available from Sikh Missionary Society UK, 10 Featherstone Road, Southall, UK
Tel: 020 8574 1902.)
© Copyright Gurmukh Singh
Please acknowledge quotations from this article
Articles may be included in publications subject to prior approval
Gurmukh Singh (UK)
E-mail: sewauk2005@yahoo.co.uk
“I Accuse...The Anti-Sikh Violence of 1984”
(Author: Jarnail Singh journalist, with foreword by Khushwant Singh, Penguin Books India 2009. Available in Punjabi, Hindi and English.
English translation by Vaishali Mathur 165 pages)
The question uppermost in my mind as I finished reading Jarnail Singh’s book “ I Accuse...The Anti-Sikh Violence of 1984” was, “How can all checks and safeguards of a democracy fail so completely at the same time in the capital city of the largest democracy in the world ?” Or, to quote the book cover note, “Why did the state apparatus allow it to happen?”
The guardians of the constitution: the President, the Parliament, different branches of the administration, the judiciary, the media – all abdicated their responsibility for three days from 1 November to 3 November 1984.
President Zail Singh felt that he had “no right to intervene.” Delhi Police Commissioner Subhash Tandon said that he was “not informed” even though he was seen with crowds attacking Gurdwara Rakab Ganj. Home Minister Narsimha Rao remained silent. Lt Governor P G Gavai thought everything was under control and did not consider it necessary to call in the army. To the President he said, “If the army is called in, the situation is going to get worse.” A magistrate refused to sign an order to control mobs with force if necessary, even as Sikh properties and people were being burnt in his neighbourhood.
Senior Congress politicians like Rajpal Saroj held private meetings on the evening of 31 October to make all arrangements right up to the finer details about distributing kerosene and a white inflammable powder to set the victims alight. Delhi transport and Police support was enlisted.
Doordarshan, the only TV station, played its part by repeatedly showing Indira Gandhi’s body kept in state at Teen Murti Bhawan, alternating with scenes of mobs shouting “khoon ka badla khoon” (blood for blood in revenge).
According to this vivid account, all branches of government conspired to encourage violence against one Indian community – the Sikhs. The book is based on inquiry commission reports over the years, eye-witness evidence, horrific personal experiences (mainly of Sikh women) and how, even to this day, they continue to be denied justice and suffer in poverty.
Jarnail Singh was an eleven year old school kid in Delhi in 1984 and sufficiently aware of what was going on. Despite much hardship at home, he became a successful journalist. He grew up in Delhi during this period and interweaves own autobiography with the main theme of the book. He is now out of a job because he threw a symbolic shoe at political untruths and cover-ups, with an impact which shook and shamed a whole nation. As a dedicated Gursikh, following in the footsteps of Guru Nanak Sahib, who did not hesitate to call the ruthless invading Babar a tyrant (jaabar), Jarnail Singh could no longer remain silent, no matter what the cost to himself and his family.
The main media focus on 31st November 1984, was the assassination Indira Gandhi who had sanctioned army invasion of Darbar Sahib (Golden Temple complex), the holiest shrine of the Sikhs only five months before. Thousands of innocent civilians paid with their lives during that military invasion of civilian targets in peacetime.
However, by contrast, during these three days of slaughter of thousands of fellow Indians in the first week of November 1984, in Delhi and elsewhere, they were denied army protection despite repeated requests on behalf of the victims. General A S Vaidya confirmed that “by 31 October midnight, a brigade from Meerut had reached Delhi.” Both, Home Minister Narsimha Rao and Lt Governor P G Gavai, either refused to call in the army or did not bother. Writes the author, “But this was happening in Delhi, not in some remote and inaccessible part of the country. Why did it take two days to call in the army – two days during which Sikhs were being killed and their properties looted ? The Nanavati Commission report puts the number of Sikhs killed in Delhi at 3000.”
Then, as soon as the world media with its TV cameras and reporters arrived for the funeral of Mrs Indira Gandhi on 3rd November, this fire started on 1 November, was extinguished with the same efficiency as it had been started. It was as if nothing had happened!
A failure of such magnitude in a country accounting for one fifth of humanity becomes a legitimate concern of all in the ever-shrinking global village. Not only that the whole system failed for thousands of Sikhs in India’s capital city Delhi and many other cities, but that it worked most ruthlessly against them as a relentless killing machine for those three days.
Jarnail Singh has highlighted November 1984, as a running sore for the Sikhs and right thinking Indians. He is not proud of his shoe throwing act and has gracefully accepted his job loss as a journalist. Whilst Sikhs with a nationalist agenda throng around him for photo opportunities, the so called “moderate Sikhs” admire his guts but keep away. In short, the author, the “shoe throwing” Jarnail Singh has become an icon in the Sikh diaspora. He is articulate, well versed in Gurbani and holds the attention of the Sangats in gurdwaras. He is almost certainly above Indian party politics or the Sikh internal “jathebandi” divides.
The book is written in a user friendly style for a wide ranging readership. The underlying message seems to be that the Sikhs should forgive if they are allowed to, by a system which, as yet, remains unrepentant; but Sikhs should not forget. My impression is that the Sikhs would very much like to forgive, but are continually being denied good reasons for being able to do that by a system, which seems to have lost its democratic moorings. The recent “clean chit” to one of the alleged leaders of this pogrom, Jagdish Tytler, who was promoted to a ministerial position in the Congress government soon after the massacre, adds insult to the injured Sikh psyche.
And so, the world, except for the occasional world media report coinciding with related Indian court cases, CBI and inquiry commission reports over the years, continues to sweep the massacre of a minority in the biggest democracy in the world, under the carpet, while the victims still await justice after 25 years.
Finally, one can but agree with Khushwant Singh when he writes in his foreword, “Jarnail Singh’s “I Accuse...” is a shocking book that should shame every citizen of India.... I Accuse ...opens wounds which have not yet healed. It is a must-read for all those who wish that such horrendous crimes do not take place.”
(Available from Sikh Missionary Society UK, 10 Featherstone Road, Southall, UK
Tel: 020 8574 1902.)
© Copyright Gurmukh Singh
Please acknowledge quotations from this article
Articles may be included in publications subject to prior approval
Gurmukh Singh (UK)
E-mail: sewauk2005@yahoo.co.uk
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